Banks
aren't to blame for economic crisis, consumers are
This claim by McKinsey Global Institute is absurd! We add comments to show why.
By Jim Landers,
Dallas Morning News, 1/18/2010
http://www.dallasnews.com/sharedcontent/dws/bus/columnists/jlanders/stories/DN-landers_19bus.ART.State.Edition1.3f6cd24.html
We are in a global
debt crisis. In some parts of the world and in some parts of the U.S. economy, the extent of the damage isn't even
apparent yet.
The main
reason?
It wasn't
investment banks borrowing wildly.[HOT: Really? Isn’t the Financial Crisis
Inquiry Commission looking into just that? See next article, below.] It wasn't corporations running up debt instead of issuing new stock shares.
[We know of no allegations that this type of activity played any role in the financial
collapse.] It wasn't the federal
government. [Despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary? Does Mr. Landers
really think Congress, the Federal Reserve, SEC, and other federal agencies bear no blame for deregulation
and for allowing the financial collapse to happen under their noses? Amazing.]
A new analysis by the McKinsey Global
Institute lays most of this debt at the feet of middle-class consumers – Americans, Britons, Canadians and others – who bought more
house than they could afford.
[HOT: Blaming the American consumer is
absurd! Everyone was pushing the dream of homeownership, including the federal government through mortgage
interest tax deductions, artificially low interest rates, loan guarantees with low down-payment requirements, and
now the homebuyer tax credit. George W. Bush, like Bill Clinton before him, pushed Homeownership and The
American Dream. The companies that built and financed the homes joined government as culprits. They
pushed homeownership onto people who couldn’t afford a home and convinced them that a home is a “no lose
investment” with no down-side risk. No reasonable consumer would sit idle on the sidelines as they watched property
values rise faster than stocks and their friends and neighbors profit. Banks, builders and the US Government had
all of the tools to know that a housing bubble was close to bursting. Consumers did not. Consumers were pragmatic
and practical, and McKinsey should know that.]
American consumers
have responded by paying down their debts, curbing purchases and putting more into savings. Similar actions are
spreading across the developed world.
This won't last
for just a year or two. McKinsey's researchers say deleveraging – reducing debt – typically goes on for six to
seven years in the aftermath of a financial crisis.
"In just three
cases in our sample were economies able to grow out of debt solely because of rapid economic expansions – and all
three were fueled by war, such as the U.S. experience during World War II, or oil booms," concludes the analysis
titled, "Debt and Deleveraging: The Global Credit Bubble and its Economic Consequences."
If the U.S.
economy crawls for the next several years, that's going to seem especially galling to Texas.
As reported by my
colleague Steve Brown earlier this month, David
Crowe, chief economist of the National Association of Home
Builders, holds Texans harmless:
"You came to
this a little bit later than other markets, and it wasn't your doing," he said. "You weren't California, Florida, Nevada or
Arizona," states where home prices collapsed after surging through most of the last decade.
"You really are
just an innocent bystander in this recession," Crowe said.
High foreclosure rates in Dallas, Houston
and other parts of the state belie that blanket amnesty, but the bubble was nowhere near as bad in Texas
as it was in several other states (and several
other countries).
McKinsey
researchers suggested there's more trouble ahead.
"The bursting of
the great credit bubble is not over yet," they found.
Still to come are
a raft of triggered adjustable-rate mortgages for residential consumers and staggering amounts of debt due for
commercial real estate.
The report found
that $1.3 trillion of U.S. commercial real estate loans will come due in the next
four years. Refinancing all that debt will be a challenge after the 2008 meltdown in the practice of
bundling such loans into marketable securities.
That's where
investment banks had their debacle. Mortgages sold as bonds in markets around the world fell apart with the collapse of Lehman Brothers. Investment banks had a mountain
of debt, but not as big as consumer debt. [HOT: No. They fell with the collapse of
HOME PRICES due to over-building and over-financing, where people were encouraged to invest in housing,
and supply outstripped demand.]
"Households
account for the largest share of total debt in the United States, Canada and Switzerland,"
concluded the authors. From 2000 to 2008,
U.S. household debt had grown $6.8 trillion. Financial institution debt rose $3.9 trillion. Government debt
was up $4 trillion.
The average
American household increased the amount of debt as a share of household income by a third.
You would expect
banks and consumers to tighten their belts in the face of these numbers. As they've done that, the federal
government was left to pick up the slack in the economy. Federal borrowing has soared, even as the enormous
retirement and health care costs of the baby boom generation loom on the near horizon.
McKinsey's economists warned that curbing
federal spending too soon would repeat mistakes that prolonged the Great Depression in the U.S. and Japan's
lost decade of the 1990s.
To keep from
repeating this, McKinsey economists urged governments to consider curbing
incentives for homebuying, such as the deduction of interest paid on mortgages.
Bankers Without a
Clue
By PAUL KRUGMAN, New York Times Op-Ed Columnist, 1/14/2010
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/15/opinion/15krugman.html?scp=1&sq=krugman%20pecora&st=cse
The official
Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission — the group that aims to hold a modern version of the Pecora hearings of the 1930s, whose investigations set
the stage for New Deal bank regulation — began taking testimony on Wednesday. In its first panel, the commission
grilled four major financial-industry honchos. What did we learn?
Well, if you were
hoping for a Perry Mason moment — a scene in which the witness blurts out: “Yes! I admit it! I did it! And I’m
glad!” — the hearing was disappointing. What you got, instead, was witnesses blurting out: “Yes! I admit it! I’m
clueless!”
O.K., not in so
many words. But the bankers’ testimony showed a stunning failure, even now, to grasp the nature and extent of the
current crisis. And that’s important: It tells us that as Congress and the administration try to reform the
financial system, they should ignore advice coming from the supposed wise men of
Wall Street, who have no wisdom to offer.
Consider what has happened so far: The U.S. economy is still grappling with the
consequences of the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression; trillions of dollars of potential income
have been lost; the lives of millions have been damaged, in some cases irreparably, by mass unemployment; millions
more have seen their savings wiped out; hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, will lose essential health care
because of the combination of job losses and draconian cutbacks by cash-strapped state
governments.
And this disaster
was entirely self-inflicted. This isn’t like the stagflation of the 1970s, which had a lot to do with soaring oil
prices, which were, in turn, the result of political instability in the Middle East. This time we’re in trouble
entirely thanks to the dysfunctional nature of our own financial system. Everyone understands this — everyone, it
seems, except the financiers themselves.
There were two
moments in Wednesday’s hearing that stood out. One was when Jamie Dimon of JPMorgan Chase declared
that a financial crisis is something that “happens every five to seven years. We shouldn’t be surprised.”
In short, stuff happens, and that’s just part of life.
But the truth is that the United States
managed to avoid major financial crises for half a century after the Pecora hearings were held and Congress enacted
major banking reforms. It was only after we forgot those lessons, and dismantled effective regulation, that our
financial system went back to being dangerously unstable.
As an aside, it
was also startling to hear Mr. Dimon admit that his bank never even considered the
possibility of a large decline in home prices, despite widespread warnings that we were in the midst of a
monstrous housing bubble.
Still,
Mr. Dimon’s cluelessness paled beside that of Goldman Sachs’s
Lloyd Blankfein, who compared the financial crisis to a hurricane nobody could have
predicted. Phil Angelides, the commission’s chairman, was not amused: The financial crisis, he declared,
wasn’t an act of God; it resulted from “acts of men and women.”
Was Mr. Blankfein
just inarticulate? No. He used the same metaphor in his prepared testimony in which he urged Congress not to push
too hard for financial reform: “We should resist a response ... that is solely designed around protecting us
from the 100-year storm.” So this giant financial crisis was just a rare
accident, a freak of nature, and we shouldn’t overreact.
But there was
nothing accidental about the crisis. From the late 1970s on, the American financial system, freed by deregulation
and a political climate in which greed was presumed to be good, spun ever further out of control.
There were ever-greater rewards — bonuses beyond the dreams of
avarice — for bankers who could generate big short-term profits. And the way
to raise those profits was to pile up ever more debt, both by pushing loans on the public and by
taking on ever-higher leverage within the financial industry.
[HOT: Banking executives were rewarded for
taking risks rather than for positive outcomes. With little to no risk if the outcome is bad, the attitude is “What
the Hell…?”]
Sooner or later,
this runaway system was bound to crash. And if we don’t make fundamental changes, it will happen all over
again.
Do the bankers
really not understand what happened, or are they just talking their self-interest? No matter. As I said,
the important thing looking forward is to stop listening to financiers about
financial reform.
Wall Street
executives will tell you that the financial-reform bill the House passed last month would cripple the economy with
overregulation (it’s actually quite mild). They’ll insist that the tax on bank debt just proposed by the Obama
administration is a crude concession to foolish populism. They’ll warn that action to tax or otherwise rein in
financial-industry compensation is destructive and unjustified.
But what do they
know? The answer, as far as I can tell, is: not much.
Additional
Reading:
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